Post by evm111 on Sept 17, 2005 14:09:03 GMT -5
RIO-GRANDENSSE REPUBLIC: This particular state had its origins with the Farroupilha Revolution, and is considered to be the longest and bloodiest civil-war to have ever occurred in the history of Brazil. Not only did it threaten the territorial integrity of the country, it rushed the coronation of Emperor Dom Pedro II, who was only 15 years old at the time (1841). The ill-fated federalist revolt was also known as the as the War of the Farrapos (War of Tatters), thus named because the majority of its partisans were composed of poor fighters who wore “farrapos” (tattered, ragged clothing). During Brazil's Regency period, the term was used quite derogatorily and contemptuously by the moderate/conservative liberals (chimangos) against the radical liberals, and over time, it acquired a more positive, praiseful meaning; the nickname was proudly adopted by the revolutionaries, similar to what had occurred with the “sans-culottes” of the French Revolution.
In the years prior to Brazil's independence, the economy of its turbulent southern region — Rio Grande do Sul in particular — was based entirely on cattle. Its main product was charque (dried and salted meat), which was consumed by every metropolis in the country and was the main staple of the slaves and the lower classes. The local gaúcho estancieiros (ranchers) were rightfully unhappy with their lowly socioeconomic and political status within Brazil. The focus of their economy, unlike the provinces of the southeast and northeast, was limited to supplying the internal market; they were not permitted to export their basic commodities. The exorbitant price of salt, an indispensable item in the making of charque, was another pressing concern. But as a more immediate reason for the growing unrest, the ranchers' resentment was compounded on account of the charque originating from Argentina and Uruguay, which was produced by a salaried workforce that was much more efficient and productive than the costly slave labor of the gaúchos' own estâncias. These foreign rancheros were given incentives and had free access to the Brazilian market; they were able to sell their other bovine goods (beef, leather, tallow) at lower prices, yet the rio-grandense gaúchos were taxed more heavily by their own country; so even domestically, they did not have a competitive edge. The atmosphere was filled with discontentment. Relegated to such a restricted and subordinate role, the cattle-farmers would eventually enlist other segments of the population, all of whom shared a strong indigenous cultural strain (mamelucos, mulatos, caboclos, slaves, peons). Initially, the purpose of their contest with the monarchy was not to obtain total separation from the Empire, but rather to defend their economic interests and to preserve the political and administrative autonomy with which they were once accustomed. Many other regional colonos (settlers) and farmers (who endured the same obstacles with their wheat) were also getting the short end of the stick. Some, with little or no suitable property of their own, formed armed bands and offered their services to the more wealthy landowners (this frontier region had already been militarized since the 17th century, and had many army outposts designed to keep Brazil's southern border safe from foreign invasion; and a few years before, the Cisplatine War had been waged there). The lawmakers in Rio de Janeiro, the Brazilian capital to which they were all so cruelly dependent, failed to adopt measures of apparent fairness that would protect the breeders. As a result, some newspapers, such as “O Constitucional Rio-Grandese”, rose to defend republican objectives and the concept of separatism. In 1834, when a new tax increase was approved for the province, the separatist movement continued to gain popularity and the stage was set for a showdown.
By 1835, when Antônio Rodrigues Fernandes Braga was nominated as president of the province of Rio Grande do Sul, the political animus of the dissatisfied estancieiros towards governmental intrusion in their affairs had reached a peak, and the more military-minded ones began to hold private meetings. Two figures stood out: Bento Manuel Ribeiro and Bento Gonçalves, the son of an elite landowner. Gonçalves had been awarded the post of colonel of the militias and commander of the southern frontier by Dom Pedro I for his previous military achievements during the war against Argentina ('25-'28). At first, Braga's name was well-received by most of the liberal cattlemen, but he soon proved himself unworthy of their trust. In his first day of office, he accused many farmers, even citing specific names, of being separatists. These were very serious charges, practically destroying any chances he had of coexisting peacefully with the citizenry he was supposed to govern. He also introduced newer taxes, on orders from Rio de Janeiro. With tempers flaring, the unheeded complaints/demands of the gaúchos added much momentum to the federalist effort.
All of this led to the beginning of the republican uprising, which takes place on 9/19/1835, when a group of 400 revolutionaries, representing all of the liberalist factions, converged on the outskirts of Porto Alegre. Aiming to seize this provincial capital, Onofre Pires and José Gomes de Vasconcelos Jardim lead the first skirmish with Imperialists on the dawn of September 20th, beside the bridge of Azenha. They deposed Braga, who fled by boat on the Lagoa dos Patos; he sought refuge in Rio Grande, a community in the extreme south of the province. Bento Gonçalves, who'd planned the takeover, arrives on the 21st. Accompanied by a small detachment of men, he pursues Braga, who has already proceeded to the Court in Rio de Janeiro. With help from only a small percent of the populace, the insurgents neutralize the loyalists' initial reactions. The farroupilhas (ragamuffins), as the group was now known, placed Marciano Pereira Ribeiro in charge.
In trying to calm the tense situation, Padre Diogo Feijó, the liberal Brazilian Regent, severely underestimated the strife. He selected a replacement president of his own for the province. His candidate, José de Araújo Ribeiro, appeared to be acceptable to the farroupilhas; but there was some bad blood between him and the rebels, stemming from an incident that had taken place in the past. Amidst disorder, the Provincial Assembly showed indecision in the matter and postponed the requisite proceedings. They finally impeded Araújo Ribeiro's investiture as executive officer by extending Marciano Ribeiro's mandate until December 9th. Afterwards, it didn't take long for Araújo Ribeiro to lose whatever precarious support he had from the rebels. Disgusted, the office-seeker decided not to appear before the legislative body. He avoided the tumultuousness of Porto Alegre by retreating to Rio Grande, one of the only places he believed was still under the respectable rule of real law. Not only does he take office there, which infuriates the insurrectionists, but he is joined by his ally, Bento Manuel, who was vehemently opposed to the rebels' decision in this volatile matter. He changes sides, and from that moment on, disconnects himself completely from the rebels. Other confederates soon join them. Araújo Ribeiro's deplorable stratagem enrages the rebels, and they view it as an act of provocation. After all, the rebellion was basically finished. Nevertheless, Bento Gonçalves, as a means of conciliation, finally invites the slighted Ribeiro to occupy his post in Porto Alegre. His vehement refusal, signaling the irrevocable rupture between the two parties, serves as a tragic turning point in the political impasse. Weapons will be raised again, instigating a new chapter in a revolution that should have already ended. Bento Manuel, is regarded as a traitor. Meanwhile, on 10/14/1835, the rebels are routed in Arroio Grande.
On March 3rd 1836, the government orders all its departmental offices to be shifted to Rio Grande. In retaliation, the farroupilhas nab Manuel Marques de Souza, an esteemed major, and confine him to the prison-ship Presiganga, anchored in Lake Guaíba. In Porto Alegre, Lieutenant Henrique Moyse liberates 30 soldiers by bribing his guards; besides freeing Marques de Souza and other officials, this group then captures important parts of Porto Alegre. They arrest Marciano Ribeiro, replacing him with Marshal João de Deus Menna Barreto. The city is reclaimed by imperial troops on 6/15/1836. Bento Gonçalves tries to retake it two weeks later, but fails. In fact, the farroupilhas would never again regain control of this town, for it will soon be impenetrably surrounded by their foes. The rebels' siege of Porto Alegre continues until 10/19/1841, lasting for 1,283 days. The city is protected by the forces of Bento Manuel, who in turn was provided extra reinforcement by the Imperial Navy, under the command of John Grenfell. Porto Alegre was a busy port, and from the outset, it had little reason to join the revolt; most of its merchants did not adhere to the farroupilhas' separatist philosophy. They'd helped drive out the rebels in June of 1836 and had been harried by them to the point of having great difficulties obtaining oil and essential foodstuffs. They resisted these adversaries until the end of the war. On account of its fidelity to the empire, the title “Very Loyal and Valorous” is conferred to the city in 1841, which is today still present on its coat-of-arms.
Nevertheless, on 9/10/1836, the guerillas commanded by General Antônio de Souza Netto experience what would be the largest triumph of the entire war; they vanquish Colonel João da Silva Tavares in the violent Battle of Seival, which happened between Pelotas and Bagé. Sipping chimarrão (a powerful tea made with erva-mate leaves) around a campfire late that night, still commemorating the brilliant outcome, Lucas de Oliveira e Joaquim Pedro Soares come up with the radical idea of establishing a Rio-Grandense Republic. On the morning of September 11th, Souza Netto formally proclaims the República Rio-Grandense, in Campo dos Menezes, on behalf of his valiant farroupilhas; it is also known as the República Piratini because a town bearing that name, in the interior of the province, became the location of its seat of government on November 10. To clarify their motives, the rebels later issue a manifesto directly against the Empire's “vicious and corrupt Court”.
Bento Gonçalves, still battling for Porto Alegre, receives the thrilling news. He proceeds to join his victorious comrades, but on 10/4/1836, he and over 1,000 of his men are defeated during the famous battle of Fanfa Island, on the Jacuí River. They are ambushed by Bento Manuel and one of Grenfell's squadrons while trying to make a crossing; the farroupilhas disperse and Gonçalves is arrested. He is transported to Fortaleza da Laje in Rio de Janeiro and then to Salvador, where he would enter into friendship with the rebels of Sabinada (a different revolt entirely). The Crown attempts to end the conflict by offering immunity to the remaining rebels; Souza Netto refuses to capitulate. On November 5th, the Municipal Council of Piratini officialized the proclamation of their fledgling Republic. Even though Gonçalves is in jail, the farroupilhas nominate him as their president.
In the meantime, even without their chief, vice-president José Gomes de Vasconcelos Jardim leads the rebels and manages to overcome the tremendous misfortune visited upon them by the Empire. On 3/9/1837, they expand their reaches by occupying the town of Lages, an important commercial entrepôt in Santa Catarina. In the absence of their incarcerated head of state, Gomes Jardim, backed by the forces of Souza Netto, assumes interim leadership of the Rio-Grandense Republic. He begins to organize it by structuring its 6 ministries (Agriculture, Justice, Exterior, Interior, Maritime, War), two of which are parceled out to each minister due to limited funds. In early 1837, Regent Feijó had appointed Brigadier Antero de Brito as president of the Province. In Porto Alegre, he persecutes anyone who is in league with the rebels. By treating the farroupilhas very harshly, he actually emboldens their spirit. In April, Souza Netto seizes Caçapava, the site of the imperial arsenal. In a fortuitous turn of events, they recruit many new adherents from the local garrison. The revolutionaries also grab hold of Rio Pardo.
Finally, on 9/10/1837, Bento Gonçalves managed to escape, in spectacular fashion and with the help of liberals in Bahia, from the prison (Forte do Mar) where he was being detained. He returned to his native province via Buenos Aires, and on December 16th assumed the presidency with overwhelming acclaim. Some fiscal issues are resolved and a few key services, like the delivery of mail, are initiated. During this phase, he steers the revolution to its zenith, convinced that the Republic he is consolidating will solidify as an independent state.
The Empire recaptures the hotly contested community of Rio Pardo, but the revolutionaries wrest it back from them on 5/6/1838. Still, the year does not live up to the heightened expectations of the rebels. They lack the resources to conquer Porto Alegre. They are also overmatched in Rio Grande, where the Empire also has full control. Due to its tactical importance, the town is tightly encircled by the intransigent Imperial fleet, which also supplies its inhabitants with provisions. The rebels managed some counterassaults, but were frustrated in all their attempts. Eventually, faced with mounting suppression, their hopes begin to dwindle. As a precaution, on 2/14/1839 they are obligated to transferred their capital from Piratini to Caçapava. It is a more inaccessible site which would be easier to guard; they install their administration there on the 24th.
That year, the Italian revolutionary warrior Giuseppe Garibaldi, who had been exiled from his country, joined the movement. He had come into contact with Lívio Zambiccari, who was arrested in the battle of Fanfa Island along with Gonçalves. Their meeting in Rio de Janeiro was the only positive consequence that resulted from that dreadful event. Zambiccari managed to entice Garibaldi and another Italian, Luigi Rosseti to join the farroupilha cause. In December, Garibaldi is appointed Captain-Lieutenant. The farroupilhas need a port, so he begins to strategize. Because Rio Grande and São José do Norte were occupied by the imperialists, he decided to extend the conflict once more to the neighboring province of Santa Catarina, where the rebels had sympathizers. His mission, aided by Davi Canabarro's cavalry, is to overpower the strategic coastal site of Laguna. In preparation for a simultaneous, two-pronged attack — Canabarro by land and Garibaldi by sea — he oversees the building of 2 lanchas (longboats) at the farroupilha shipyard on the Camaquã River. When complete, each one is armed with 2 bronze cannons and is able to hold a crew of 35 men. One of these, the 30-ton “Farroupilha” (also referred to as the “Rio Pardo” in many sources) is commanded by Garibaldi; the other, the 25-ton “Seival”, is skippered by John Griggs, an American who had also been seduced by the gaúchos' lofty goals. They navigate over and around the perilous sandbanks of the Lagoa dos Patos (Brazil's largest lagoon), raiding any enemies they encountered along its shores and making off with whatever spoils they could carry. But in order for them to meet the goal they had set for themselves, it then became imperative for them to gain access to the sea itself. Complicating matters, their ability to reach the Atlantic by means of the Lagoa was momentarily impossible because its exit to the ocean was blocked by the Empire. Their only viable path was overland; there was no other option. Garibaldi now needed a way to get his vessels there, and his audacious solution was to put them on wheels. The ingenious project, supervised by a very able carpenter named Abreu, involved constructing two giant carts, which were assembled from planks without using any nails or screws. On July 5th, he begins coordinating the memorable traversal of terrain. Their daring trek starts in the extreme north of the Lagoa, at a site on the Capivari River known as Saco do Roça Velha, where its waters empty themselves into the Lagoa. The camouflaged flotilla is pulled by 100 pairs of oxen for the entire rain-muddied route, a distance of 80 kilometers. Their walk finally reaches its destination, the mouth of the Tramandaí River, on July 11th. Once afloat, the “Farroupilha” eventually shipwrecks in Araranguá, on account of heavy rains and winds; but they move ahead with the “Seival”. Laguna, which they win on July 22nd, becomes the capital of the República Juliana (a name chosen due to the month in which the events took place), which Garibaldi proclaimed on July 25th. Rosseti becomes their Secretary-General. The farroupilhas also try to take Desterro, but aren't successful. The newly annexed Republic, which formed a confederation with the Rio-Grandense Republic, proved to be an ephemeral entity; it lasted only 4 brief months. On 11/15/1839, Laguna fell into loyalist hands after being pounded by an attack combining the Empire's naval, infantry, and cavalry forces. It was there that Garibaldi met his wife, the seamstress Ana Maria Ribeiro da Silva (also referred to as Ana Maria de Jesus Ribeiro). Anita Garibaldi, as she would be called, was a Brazilian heroine. On horseback, she accompanied her husband in his expeditions; and when he returned to Italy, she was an active participant alongside him in the fight for Unification.
By 1840, the Empire's offensive might only intensifies. Two-thirds of its army is already concentrated in Rio Grande do Sul. Possessing a greater number of men and arms, government units advance against the disadvantaged farroupilhas. In Caçapava, once considered inexpugnable, they catch the rebels unawares. Further weakened, they take to the roads, doing all they can to evade the encroaching pressure of their enemies. They finally relocate their capital, this time in Alegrete, on 3/22/1840. Amnesty was offered to the freedom-fighters that year, but they refused to give up in spite of suffering successive losses. On 5/3, an engagement at Taquari results in a stalemate. The farroupilhas lose São Gabriel in June, and a few days later Souza Netto escapes from Chico Pedro, thanks only to his skill as a horseman. On 7/16/1840, the farroupilhas marched into São José do Norte, with disastrous results. In November, Viamão falls; one of the casualties is Rosseti, who by then had become the founder of “O Povo”, the Republic's official newspaper.
By 1842, the revolution begins to decline. The rebel's prospects slowly worsen. Their vice-president, Antonio Paulino da Fontoura, is assassinated. Unfortunately, disagreements among commanders also begin to ferment. Some of them, exhausted from years of combat, realize that they clearly had no chance of attaining the upper hand. In one dramatic episode, there is a duel between Bento Gonçalves and Onofre Pires, who later died of his wounds. As a last resort, the farroupilhas finally attempt to draft a Constitution of their own in 1843, which might have given their struggle one remaining, momentary spark; the project was never finalized or voted upon due to the severity of the war. As justification for their continued separation from the Empire, “prepotência imperial” (abuse of power) was given. By then, however, the Emperor had had enough of the rebellion and sent baron Luís Alves de Lima e Silva (the future Duque de Caxias) to permanently pacify the entire region. On 11/9/1842, the experienced general was named president of Rio Grande do Sul. As commander-in-chief of the army, his presence swiftly reinvigorated the loyalist forces. But instead of exacerbating the war, he elected to use diplomatic channels in order to clear the path towards negotiating with the farroupilhas. Lima e Silva, assisted by the former rebel boss Bento Manuel, took advantage of the injurious divisions amongst the gaúchos to make separate pacts with different chiefs. While Lima e Silva made some significant progress in his attempts to find an agreed-upon settlement to their complex issues, he also managed to prevent the farroupilhas from continuing to receive armaments from Uruguay. By 1843, the Empire had superiority over the entire territory; the revolutionaries, increasingly subdued, begin to lose ground. One notable setback for the farroupilhas transpired on 11/14/1844. In the Cerro dos Porongos, the imperial colonel Francisco Pedro de Abreu decimated Canabarro's combatants after surprising them while they slept. “Chica Papagaia” (Maria Francisca Duarte Ferreira), who was “distracting” the general in his tent, was blamed for this tragedy. On 12/29/1844, the final clash of the war, against 11,400 of the Empire's soldiers, takes place at Quero (a tributary of the Quarai River). Nevertheless, more formal discussions were conducted, with Lima e Silva on one side, and Davi Canabarro — substituting for Bento Gonçalves, who could not find common ground with the president — on the other. Gonçalves had been forced to leave the table because Lima e Silva was of the opinion that treaties were meant to be binding documents between two sovereign states, and he did not consider the República Rio-Grandense to meet the criteria of a true country. But with Canabarro at the helm, the two leaders are able to iron out their fundamental differences tactfully. The farroupilhas, spurred by the added urgency of Uruguayan forces threatening them from the south, finally cede victory to Lima e Silva, thereby ending hostilities between the antagonistic nations.
The republican state, which lasted 10 years, was finally dissolved on 2/28/1845, with the signing of the Ponche Verde Treaty. Thus concluded the most important rebellion ever witnessed in the southern province, and Caxias' very generous terms resulted in bringing a lasting truce to the disputed area. The peace accord not only guaranteed the return of confiscated lands to their original gaúcho proprietors, but some of its other principal conditions were as follows: a general pardon would be granted to all the rebels (including freedom for the slaves who'd participated), and these soldiers/officers would also be incorporated into the Imperial army, without losing their existing ranks (the only exception being generals); all debts incurred by the revolutionary-created Republics would be assumed by the Empire; a tax of 25% would be imposed upon imported charque; the farroupilhas would also get to elect their own president. The actions of Lima e Silva were so decent and magnanimous towards the rebels, that the rio-grandenses chose him as their Senator in 1847, and as President of their province in June of 1851. The Empire also recognized his honorable efforts in 1845 by bestowing upon him the noble titles of Viscount ('43), Count ('45), Marquis ('52), and finally Duke of Caxias ('69). He also became known as “Peacemaker of the Empire”.
Mr. Eugene Freeman provided some information regarding two of the Rio-Grandensse (this is how the name appears on the coin, with the doubled “s”) pieces he purchased: Though these do not have a stated denomination on them, the “dealer identified one of his as 960 Reis and the other as 1200 Reis (although they have the same design).” He also “stated that all of them were made as buttons, but people then removed the button shank as used them as coins.” The pieces appear to be brass but “are somewhat porous, and the patina makes it difficult for me to clearly identify the metal.” They “are dark (have been buried) and they have indications of a removed button shank”, which “was a semicircular loop, of which both ends were attached to the face of the coin near the center of one side. There is a fragment of the loop attachment on one of them, and it is easy to identify where it was removed from the other.” I obtained the former piece from Mr. Freeman. He also found a third piece, which appears to be silvered, has mint luster, and has an intact button shank attached. At the time, he theorized that most of these pieces “started life as a silvered base metal ‘button’. Being used as coins or pocket pieces, and then buried, wore away the silvering on the two whose shank had been removed.” But I later purchased a pristine white-metal piece, free of any foreign metallic additions whatsoever, from Brazilian coin-dealer Claudio Amato. He told me that the coin is known as a “Guaiáca”, and was issued “to serve as money in the intended Riograndense Republic in the value of 960 réis. Because the movement was stifled, almost all the remaining examples were utilized as buttons or soldered onto buckles and belts.” He has no knowledge of there ever being a piece worth 1,200 Réis.
In the years prior to Brazil's independence, the economy of its turbulent southern region — Rio Grande do Sul in particular — was based entirely on cattle. Its main product was charque (dried and salted meat), which was consumed by every metropolis in the country and was the main staple of the slaves and the lower classes. The local gaúcho estancieiros (ranchers) were rightfully unhappy with their lowly socioeconomic and political status within Brazil. The focus of their economy, unlike the provinces of the southeast and northeast, was limited to supplying the internal market; they were not permitted to export their basic commodities. The exorbitant price of salt, an indispensable item in the making of charque, was another pressing concern. But as a more immediate reason for the growing unrest, the ranchers' resentment was compounded on account of the charque originating from Argentina and Uruguay, which was produced by a salaried workforce that was much more efficient and productive than the costly slave labor of the gaúchos' own estâncias. These foreign rancheros were given incentives and had free access to the Brazilian market; they were able to sell their other bovine goods (beef, leather, tallow) at lower prices, yet the rio-grandense gaúchos were taxed more heavily by their own country; so even domestically, they did not have a competitive edge. The atmosphere was filled with discontentment. Relegated to such a restricted and subordinate role, the cattle-farmers would eventually enlist other segments of the population, all of whom shared a strong indigenous cultural strain (mamelucos, mulatos, caboclos, slaves, peons). Initially, the purpose of their contest with the monarchy was not to obtain total separation from the Empire, but rather to defend their economic interests and to preserve the political and administrative autonomy with which they were once accustomed. Many other regional colonos (settlers) and farmers (who endured the same obstacles with their wheat) were also getting the short end of the stick. Some, with little or no suitable property of their own, formed armed bands and offered their services to the more wealthy landowners (this frontier region had already been militarized since the 17th century, and had many army outposts designed to keep Brazil's southern border safe from foreign invasion; and a few years before, the Cisplatine War had been waged there). The lawmakers in Rio de Janeiro, the Brazilian capital to which they were all so cruelly dependent, failed to adopt measures of apparent fairness that would protect the breeders. As a result, some newspapers, such as “O Constitucional Rio-Grandese”, rose to defend republican objectives and the concept of separatism. In 1834, when a new tax increase was approved for the province, the separatist movement continued to gain popularity and the stage was set for a showdown.
By 1835, when Antônio Rodrigues Fernandes Braga was nominated as president of the province of Rio Grande do Sul, the political animus of the dissatisfied estancieiros towards governmental intrusion in their affairs had reached a peak, and the more military-minded ones began to hold private meetings. Two figures stood out: Bento Manuel Ribeiro and Bento Gonçalves, the son of an elite landowner. Gonçalves had been awarded the post of colonel of the militias and commander of the southern frontier by Dom Pedro I for his previous military achievements during the war against Argentina ('25-'28). At first, Braga's name was well-received by most of the liberal cattlemen, but he soon proved himself unworthy of their trust. In his first day of office, he accused many farmers, even citing specific names, of being separatists. These were very serious charges, practically destroying any chances he had of coexisting peacefully with the citizenry he was supposed to govern. He also introduced newer taxes, on orders from Rio de Janeiro. With tempers flaring, the unheeded complaints/demands of the gaúchos added much momentum to the federalist effort.
All of this led to the beginning of the republican uprising, which takes place on 9/19/1835, when a group of 400 revolutionaries, representing all of the liberalist factions, converged on the outskirts of Porto Alegre. Aiming to seize this provincial capital, Onofre Pires and José Gomes de Vasconcelos Jardim lead the first skirmish with Imperialists on the dawn of September 20th, beside the bridge of Azenha. They deposed Braga, who fled by boat on the Lagoa dos Patos; he sought refuge in Rio Grande, a community in the extreme south of the province. Bento Gonçalves, who'd planned the takeover, arrives on the 21st. Accompanied by a small detachment of men, he pursues Braga, who has already proceeded to the Court in Rio de Janeiro. With help from only a small percent of the populace, the insurgents neutralize the loyalists' initial reactions. The farroupilhas (ragamuffins), as the group was now known, placed Marciano Pereira Ribeiro in charge.
In trying to calm the tense situation, Padre Diogo Feijó, the liberal Brazilian Regent, severely underestimated the strife. He selected a replacement president of his own for the province. His candidate, José de Araújo Ribeiro, appeared to be acceptable to the farroupilhas; but there was some bad blood between him and the rebels, stemming from an incident that had taken place in the past. Amidst disorder, the Provincial Assembly showed indecision in the matter and postponed the requisite proceedings. They finally impeded Araújo Ribeiro's investiture as executive officer by extending Marciano Ribeiro's mandate until December 9th. Afterwards, it didn't take long for Araújo Ribeiro to lose whatever precarious support he had from the rebels. Disgusted, the office-seeker decided not to appear before the legislative body. He avoided the tumultuousness of Porto Alegre by retreating to Rio Grande, one of the only places he believed was still under the respectable rule of real law. Not only does he take office there, which infuriates the insurrectionists, but he is joined by his ally, Bento Manuel, who was vehemently opposed to the rebels' decision in this volatile matter. He changes sides, and from that moment on, disconnects himself completely from the rebels. Other confederates soon join them. Araújo Ribeiro's deplorable stratagem enrages the rebels, and they view it as an act of provocation. After all, the rebellion was basically finished. Nevertheless, Bento Gonçalves, as a means of conciliation, finally invites the slighted Ribeiro to occupy his post in Porto Alegre. His vehement refusal, signaling the irrevocable rupture between the two parties, serves as a tragic turning point in the political impasse. Weapons will be raised again, instigating a new chapter in a revolution that should have already ended. Bento Manuel, is regarded as a traitor. Meanwhile, on 10/14/1835, the rebels are routed in Arroio Grande.
On March 3rd 1836, the government orders all its departmental offices to be shifted to Rio Grande. In retaliation, the farroupilhas nab Manuel Marques de Souza, an esteemed major, and confine him to the prison-ship Presiganga, anchored in Lake Guaíba. In Porto Alegre, Lieutenant Henrique Moyse liberates 30 soldiers by bribing his guards; besides freeing Marques de Souza and other officials, this group then captures important parts of Porto Alegre. They arrest Marciano Ribeiro, replacing him with Marshal João de Deus Menna Barreto. The city is reclaimed by imperial troops on 6/15/1836. Bento Gonçalves tries to retake it two weeks later, but fails. In fact, the farroupilhas would never again regain control of this town, for it will soon be impenetrably surrounded by their foes. The rebels' siege of Porto Alegre continues until 10/19/1841, lasting for 1,283 days. The city is protected by the forces of Bento Manuel, who in turn was provided extra reinforcement by the Imperial Navy, under the command of John Grenfell. Porto Alegre was a busy port, and from the outset, it had little reason to join the revolt; most of its merchants did not adhere to the farroupilhas' separatist philosophy. They'd helped drive out the rebels in June of 1836 and had been harried by them to the point of having great difficulties obtaining oil and essential foodstuffs. They resisted these adversaries until the end of the war. On account of its fidelity to the empire, the title “Very Loyal and Valorous” is conferred to the city in 1841, which is today still present on its coat-of-arms.
Nevertheless, on 9/10/1836, the guerillas commanded by General Antônio de Souza Netto experience what would be the largest triumph of the entire war; they vanquish Colonel João da Silva Tavares in the violent Battle of Seival, which happened between Pelotas and Bagé. Sipping chimarrão (a powerful tea made with erva-mate leaves) around a campfire late that night, still commemorating the brilliant outcome, Lucas de Oliveira e Joaquim Pedro Soares come up with the radical idea of establishing a Rio-Grandense Republic. On the morning of September 11th, Souza Netto formally proclaims the República Rio-Grandense, in Campo dos Menezes, on behalf of his valiant farroupilhas; it is also known as the República Piratini because a town bearing that name, in the interior of the province, became the location of its seat of government on November 10. To clarify their motives, the rebels later issue a manifesto directly against the Empire's “vicious and corrupt Court”.
Bento Gonçalves, still battling for Porto Alegre, receives the thrilling news. He proceeds to join his victorious comrades, but on 10/4/1836, he and over 1,000 of his men are defeated during the famous battle of Fanfa Island, on the Jacuí River. They are ambushed by Bento Manuel and one of Grenfell's squadrons while trying to make a crossing; the farroupilhas disperse and Gonçalves is arrested. He is transported to Fortaleza da Laje in Rio de Janeiro and then to Salvador, where he would enter into friendship with the rebels of Sabinada (a different revolt entirely). The Crown attempts to end the conflict by offering immunity to the remaining rebels; Souza Netto refuses to capitulate. On November 5th, the Municipal Council of Piratini officialized the proclamation of their fledgling Republic. Even though Gonçalves is in jail, the farroupilhas nominate him as their president.
In the meantime, even without their chief, vice-president José Gomes de Vasconcelos Jardim leads the rebels and manages to overcome the tremendous misfortune visited upon them by the Empire. On 3/9/1837, they expand their reaches by occupying the town of Lages, an important commercial entrepôt in Santa Catarina. In the absence of their incarcerated head of state, Gomes Jardim, backed by the forces of Souza Netto, assumes interim leadership of the Rio-Grandense Republic. He begins to organize it by structuring its 6 ministries (Agriculture, Justice, Exterior, Interior, Maritime, War), two of which are parceled out to each minister due to limited funds. In early 1837, Regent Feijó had appointed Brigadier Antero de Brito as president of the Province. In Porto Alegre, he persecutes anyone who is in league with the rebels. By treating the farroupilhas very harshly, he actually emboldens their spirit. In April, Souza Netto seizes Caçapava, the site of the imperial arsenal. In a fortuitous turn of events, they recruit many new adherents from the local garrison. The revolutionaries also grab hold of Rio Pardo.
Finally, on 9/10/1837, Bento Gonçalves managed to escape, in spectacular fashion and with the help of liberals in Bahia, from the prison (Forte do Mar) where he was being detained. He returned to his native province via Buenos Aires, and on December 16th assumed the presidency with overwhelming acclaim. Some fiscal issues are resolved and a few key services, like the delivery of mail, are initiated. During this phase, he steers the revolution to its zenith, convinced that the Republic he is consolidating will solidify as an independent state.
The Empire recaptures the hotly contested community of Rio Pardo, but the revolutionaries wrest it back from them on 5/6/1838. Still, the year does not live up to the heightened expectations of the rebels. They lack the resources to conquer Porto Alegre. They are also overmatched in Rio Grande, where the Empire also has full control. Due to its tactical importance, the town is tightly encircled by the intransigent Imperial fleet, which also supplies its inhabitants with provisions. The rebels managed some counterassaults, but were frustrated in all their attempts. Eventually, faced with mounting suppression, their hopes begin to dwindle. As a precaution, on 2/14/1839 they are obligated to transferred their capital from Piratini to Caçapava. It is a more inaccessible site which would be easier to guard; they install their administration there on the 24th.
That year, the Italian revolutionary warrior Giuseppe Garibaldi, who had been exiled from his country, joined the movement. He had come into contact with Lívio Zambiccari, who was arrested in the battle of Fanfa Island along with Gonçalves. Their meeting in Rio de Janeiro was the only positive consequence that resulted from that dreadful event. Zambiccari managed to entice Garibaldi and another Italian, Luigi Rosseti to join the farroupilha cause. In December, Garibaldi is appointed Captain-Lieutenant. The farroupilhas need a port, so he begins to strategize. Because Rio Grande and São José do Norte were occupied by the imperialists, he decided to extend the conflict once more to the neighboring province of Santa Catarina, where the rebels had sympathizers. His mission, aided by Davi Canabarro's cavalry, is to overpower the strategic coastal site of Laguna. In preparation for a simultaneous, two-pronged attack — Canabarro by land and Garibaldi by sea — he oversees the building of 2 lanchas (longboats) at the farroupilha shipyard on the Camaquã River. When complete, each one is armed with 2 bronze cannons and is able to hold a crew of 35 men. One of these, the 30-ton “Farroupilha” (also referred to as the “Rio Pardo” in many sources) is commanded by Garibaldi; the other, the 25-ton “Seival”, is skippered by John Griggs, an American who had also been seduced by the gaúchos' lofty goals. They navigate over and around the perilous sandbanks of the Lagoa dos Patos (Brazil's largest lagoon), raiding any enemies they encountered along its shores and making off with whatever spoils they could carry. But in order for them to meet the goal they had set for themselves, it then became imperative for them to gain access to the sea itself. Complicating matters, their ability to reach the Atlantic by means of the Lagoa was momentarily impossible because its exit to the ocean was blocked by the Empire. Their only viable path was overland; there was no other option. Garibaldi now needed a way to get his vessels there, and his audacious solution was to put them on wheels. The ingenious project, supervised by a very able carpenter named Abreu, involved constructing two giant carts, which were assembled from planks without using any nails or screws. On July 5th, he begins coordinating the memorable traversal of terrain. Their daring trek starts in the extreme north of the Lagoa, at a site on the Capivari River known as Saco do Roça Velha, where its waters empty themselves into the Lagoa. The camouflaged flotilla is pulled by 100 pairs of oxen for the entire rain-muddied route, a distance of 80 kilometers. Their walk finally reaches its destination, the mouth of the Tramandaí River, on July 11th. Once afloat, the “Farroupilha” eventually shipwrecks in Araranguá, on account of heavy rains and winds; but they move ahead with the “Seival”. Laguna, which they win on July 22nd, becomes the capital of the República Juliana (a name chosen due to the month in which the events took place), which Garibaldi proclaimed on July 25th. Rosseti becomes their Secretary-General. The farroupilhas also try to take Desterro, but aren't successful. The newly annexed Republic, which formed a confederation with the Rio-Grandense Republic, proved to be an ephemeral entity; it lasted only 4 brief months. On 11/15/1839, Laguna fell into loyalist hands after being pounded by an attack combining the Empire's naval, infantry, and cavalry forces. It was there that Garibaldi met his wife, the seamstress Ana Maria Ribeiro da Silva (also referred to as Ana Maria de Jesus Ribeiro). Anita Garibaldi, as she would be called, was a Brazilian heroine. On horseback, she accompanied her husband in his expeditions; and when he returned to Italy, she was an active participant alongside him in the fight for Unification.
By 1840, the Empire's offensive might only intensifies. Two-thirds of its army is already concentrated in Rio Grande do Sul. Possessing a greater number of men and arms, government units advance against the disadvantaged farroupilhas. In Caçapava, once considered inexpugnable, they catch the rebels unawares. Further weakened, they take to the roads, doing all they can to evade the encroaching pressure of their enemies. They finally relocate their capital, this time in Alegrete, on 3/22/1840. Amnesty was offered to the freedom-fighters that year, but they refused to give up in spite of suffering successive losses. On 5/3, an engagement at Taquari results in a stalemate. The farroupilhas lose São Gabriel in June, and a few days later Souza Netto escapes from Chico Pedro, thanks only to his skill as a horseman. On 7/16/1840, the farroupilhas marched into São José do Norte, with disastrous results. In November, Viamão falls; one of the casualties is Rosseti, who by then had become the founder of “O Povo”, the Republic's official newspaper.
By 1842, the revolution begins to decline. The rebel's prospects slowly worsen. Their vice-president, Antonio Paulino da Fontoura, is assassinated. Unfortunately, disagreements among commanders also begin to ferment. Some of them, exhausted from years of combat, realize that they clearly had no chance of attaining the upper hand. In one dramatic episode, there is a duel between Bento Gonçalves and Onofre Pires, who later died of his wounds. As a last resort, the farroupilhas finally attempt to draft a Constitution of their own in 1843, which might have given their struggle one remaining, momentary spark; the project was never finalized or voted upon due to the severity of the war. As justification for their continued separation from the Empire, “prepotência imperial” (abuse of power) was given. By then, however, the Emperor had had enough of the rebellion and sent baron Luís Alves de Lima e Silva (the future Duque de Caxias) to permanently pacify the entire region. On 11/9/1842, the experienced general was named president of Rio Grande do Sul. As commander-in-chief of the army, his presence swiftly reinvigorated the loyalist forces. But instead of exacerbating the war, he elected to use diplomatic channels in order to clear the path towards negotiating with the farroupilhas. Lima e Silva, assisted by the former rebel boss Bento Manuel, took advantage of the injurious divisions amongst the gaúchos to make separate pacts with different chiefs. While Lima e Silva made some significant progress in his attempts to find an agreed-upon settlement to their complex issues, he also managed to prevent the farroupilhas from continuing to receive armaments from Uruguay. By 1843, the Empire had superiority over the entire territory; the revolutionaries, increasingly subdued, begin to lose ground. One notable setback for the farroupilhas transpired on 11/14/1844. In the Cerro dos Porongos, the imperial colonel Francisco Pedro de Abreu decimated Canabarro's combatants after surprising them while they slept. “Chica Papagaia” (Maria Francisca Duarte Ferreira), who was “distracting” the general in his tent, was blamed for this tragedy. On 12/29/1844, the final clash of the war, against 11,400 of the Empire's soldiers, takes place at Quero (a tributary of the Quarai River). Nevertheless, more formal discussions were conducted, with Lima e Silva on one side, and Davi Canabarro — substituting for Bento Gonçalves, who could not find common ground with the president — on the other. Gonçalves had been forced to leave the table because Lima e Silva was of the opinion that treaties were meant to be binding documents between two sovereign states, and he did not consider the República Rio-Grandense to meet the criteria of a true country. But with Canabarro at the helm, the two leaders are able to iron out their fundamental differences tactfully. The farroupilhas, spurred by the added urgency of Uruguayan forces threatening them from the south, finally cede victory to Lima e Silva, thereby ending hostilities between the antagonistic nations.
The republican state, which lasted 10 years, was finally dissolved on 2/28/1845, with the signing of the Ponche Verde Treaty. Thus concluded the most important rebellion ever witnessed in the southern province, and Caxias' very generous terms resulted in bringing a lasting truce to the disputed area. The peace accord not only guaranteed the return of confiscated lands to their original gaúcho proprietors, but some of its other principal conditions were as follows: a general pardon would be granted to all the rebels (including freedom for the slaves who'd participated), and these soldiers/officers would also be incorporated into the Imperial army, without losing their existing ranks (the only exception being generals); all debts incurred by the revolutionary-created Republics would be assumed by the Empire; a tax of 25% would be imposed upon imported charque; the farroupilhas would also get to elect their own president. The actions of Lima e Silva were so decent and magnanimous towards the rebels, that the rio-grandenses chose him as their Senator in 1847, and as President of their province in June of 1851. The Empire also recognized his honorable efforts in 1845 by bestowing upon him the noble titles of Viscount ('43), Count ('45), Marquis ('52), and finally Duke of Caxias ('69). He also became known as “Peacemaker of the Empire”.
Mr. Eugene Freeman provided some information regarding two of the Rio-Grandensse (this is how the name appears on the coin, with the doubled “s”) pieces he purchased: Though these do not have a stated denomination on them, the “dealer identified one of his as 960 Reis and the other as 1200 Reis (although they have the same design).” He also “stated that all of them were made as buttons, but people then removed the button shank as used them as coins.” The pieces appear to be brass but “are somewhat porous, and the patina makes it difficult for me to clearly identify the metal.” They “are dark (have been buried) and they have indications of a removed button shank”, which “was a semicircular loop, of which both ends were attached to the face of the coin near the center of one side. There is a fragment of the loop attachment on one of them, and it is easy to identify where it was removed from the other.” I obtained the former piece from Mr. Freeman. He also found a third piece, which appears to be silvered, has mint luster, and has an intact button shank attached. At the time, he theorized that most of these pieces “started life as a silvered base metal ‘button’. Being used as coins or pocket pieces, and then buried, wore away the silvering on the two whose shank had been removed.” But I later purchased a pristine white-metal piece, free of any foreign metallic additions whatsoever, from Brazilian coin-dealer Claudio Amato. He told me that the coin is known as a “Guaiáca”, and was issued “to serve as money in the intended Riograndense Republic in the value of 960 réis. Because the movement was stifled, almost all the remaining examples were utilized as buttons or soldered onto buckles and belts.” He has no knowledge of there ever being a piece worth 1,200 Réis.